A documentary in 7 chapters by Roman Gerodimos, Narrated by Sam Booth
1 A CREDIBLE THREAT
3 POST COLD WAR
3 NEW COLD WAR
4 THE NEW COLD WAR
5 THE LONDON SUMMIT
6 UPDATING DETERRENCE
7 NATO IN THE 21st- CENTURY
Σας άρεσε το αποτέλεσμα της Συμφωνίας για την ΑΟΖ μεταξύ Ελλάδος και Αιγύπτου;;;
Αυτό λοιπόν είναι το πιο "επίκαιρο" ερωτηματικό που έχουμε κληθεί να απαντήσουμε και να σχολιάσουμε και να ακούσουμε τους πανταχόθεν ειδικούς και ανειδίκευτους, ινστρούχτορες και κήνσορες, τους έλληνες και τους μειοδότες, τους κάθε μορφής επιμηθείς, προμηθείς, ΑΟΖολόγους, ΑΟΖοπλάνους και ΑΟΖοφάγους μπαμπάδες, πατεράδες και νονούς, τους παντοσεπιστητουτολόγους, τους γεωστρατηγικούς, γεωπολιτικούς, γεωμάγειρες και γεωφυσικούς σεισμογραφικολόγους ερευνητές πετρελαιολόγους, φυσικοαεριολόγους, να μας το αναλύουν με ύφος καρδινάλιου ή σοφού ή προφήτη ή τέλος πάντων ειδικευμένου διεθνολόγου ή δημοσιολόγου ή δημοσιογραφολόγου σχολιαστή.
There has been no COVID-19 peace dividend, writes John Raine. Instead we have seen a proliferation of unilateral, nationalist rules that are unsupportive of the international order. What happens when multilateralism makes way for competitive, nationalist agendas?
COVID-19’s negative impact on geopolitics is becoming clear. There has been no peace dividend. The old conflicts and disputes are still there and some have been exacerbated. The pandemic did not prove a moment for multilateralism; instead, it exposed the shortcomings and divisions within multilateral organisations. Far from ushering in an age of humanitarian cooperation, it has created an atmosphere of blame and recrimination.
Greece and Turkey have markedly different positions both as to the existing disputes between them and as to the legal framework governing their substance. Greece's consistent view is that there is only one outstanding legal dispute between the two States, namely that concerning the delimitation of the continental shelf. On the other hand, Turkey has been systematically widening the spectrum of the perceived 'disputes' between the two States. The application to the ICJ in 1976 and the judgment of the Court that lacked jurisdiction to adjudicate the case illustrates how hazardous it is to institute proceedings in the ICJ by way of unilateral Application. Also, simultaneous recourse to the Security Council proved unsuccessful.
The right of Greece to unilaterally extend its territorial sea up to 12 n.m. is well-founded in international law of the sea, while a closer look at Turkish claims to the contrary reveals their tenuous legal ground. Greece may extend its territorial sea whenever and wherever it considers politically appropriate.
As to the law of maritime delimitation, Turkey seems to accept the median line for the delimitation of the territorial sea, and the customary nature of the provisions of the 1982 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea on the delimitation of the continental shelf and the EEZ. Yet, it continues its 'cherry-picking' policy in invoking the relevant rules of international law, especially with respect to the effect of islands in the delimitation and the cut-off effect.
It is reasonable to presume that the 'three-stage approach', as developed by the relevant jurisprudence, would be the applicable legal framework of the delimitation of the continental shelf/EEZ between Greece and Turkey before any international court and tribunal. Also, both States know well which arguments would be more convincing in view of the relevant acquis judiciaire. That said, each case is unique and requires specific treatment. As to the means for the settlement of the maritime delimitation dispute, the recourse to the International Court of Justice is preferable for many reasons, including that it has a steady and, to a certain extent, foreseeable jurisprudence; it is the principal judicial organ of the United Nations, whatever this means for its credibility not only on the international, but also on the national political plane; and in terms of the execution of its Judgments, States seem to be less prone to disobey an ICJ judgment.
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